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苏格兰会再次寻求独立吗?

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2020年08月17日

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苏格兰会再次寻求独立吗?

2014年苏格兰独立公投以微弱劣势告败后,我曾认为在有生之年再也不会看到苏独,但我现在改变了想法。”

测试中可能遇到的词汇和知识:

cosmopolitan 世界主义的,四海一家的[,kɒzmə'pɒlɪt(ə)n]

Hanseatic League 汉萨同盟 (最早可追溯到12世纪,两个城市同意使用共同的民法和刑法,并在本城中保护彼此的商人。)

traction 牵引力['trækʃ(ə)n]

SNP 苏格兰国民党(Scottish National Party)

emulate 模仿;尽力赶上['emjʊleɪt]

hostility 敌意;战争行动[hɒ'stɪlɪtɪ]

阅读马上开始,建议您计算一下阅读整篇文章所用的时间,对照下方的参考值就可以评估出您的英文阅读水平。

如果您读完全文用时为: 那么,您的阅读速度相当于 每分钟阅读的英文单词数

4分32秒 母语为英语者的朗读速度 140

2分13秒 母语为英语的中学生的阅读速度 250

1分0秒 母语为英语的大学生的阅读速度 350

0分3秒 母语为英语的速读高手 1000

Scottish Nationalists succeed where Leavers fail(633 words)

By John Kay

-----------------------------------------------------

As a schoolboy in Edinburgh, I was taught that, long before the union with England, Scotland had been a cosmopolitan country. The ports on the east coast showed the influence of trade with the Netherlands and the Hanseatic League. The Scots language demonstrated continental influences. The citizens of Edinburgh would shout “gardyloo”, supposedly from the French “gare de l’eau”, before throwing their slops into the streets from the windows of the tall tenements of Edinburgh’s Old Town.

Even then, this example of early Scots sophistication did not convince. And the claim that their vote to stay in the EU — all districts of Scotland voted Remain in the referendum, and 62 per cent of the nation’s voters as a whole voted to stay in the EU — is the product of a broad-minded outlook not seen south of the border also misses a crucial point.

The reality is that the discontent with established politics that erupted in the Leave vote elsewhere in the country has found expression in other ways. As one student of Scottish politics, explaining the UK Independence party’s lack of traction north of the border, put it to me two years ago: “People in Scotland who are disgruntled and suspicious of foreigners [the English] already have a party they can vote for.”

The fracturing of the opposition Labour party’s traditional support in depressed areas of the north of England, which was decisive in securing an Out vote, paralleled the collapse of Labour’s vote in the west of Scotland in favour of the Scottish National party in the general election of 2015.

The great achievement of the SNP, now in government in Holyrood and with MPs in Westminster, has been to be a party of protest and a party of government at the same time. This is an achievement Brexiters will find hard to emulate.

While the Leave campaign and the SNP are disparate coalitions brought together by a common hostility, the SNP has a clearer and more positive vision of the future, and evidence of administrative competence has been absent on the Brexit side. A remarkable outcome of the Remain campaign was that the two most impressive political performers were women from Scotland: Nicola Sturgeon, the SNP first minister, and Ruth Davidson, leader of the opposition Scottish Conservatives. English politics is in chaos; Scottish politics is not.

But support in Scotland for the SNP, in large part a response to Labour’s failure, should not necessarily be equated with support for independence. The SNP cannot call a fresh referendum unless it is highly confident of winning it. A second No vote, even if close, would put an end to dreams of independence for a generation and perhaps forever, as in Quebec. And economic prospects for Scotland are less attractive with oil below $50 per barrel than when prices were twice that level.

On the other hand, one factor has changed decisively. If Scotland had voted for separation in 2014 the path to EU membership would have been slow. While the outcome would have been inevitable, countries with their own separatist movements, notably Spain but also perhaps Belgium and Italy, would probably have been obstructive.

Now, Scottish accession would be greeted with open arms. And while it probably does not make sense for an independent Scotland to join the eurozone, dallying with the prospect is a tease that might assist in negotiations with both the EU and the rest of the UK.

After the Scots independence referendum failed, narrowly, in 2014, I judged that independence was the likely outcome but probably not in my lifetime. It now seems likely that I will see it. Whether it is desirable is another matter altogether. As with Brexit itself, the economic impact of the change is greatly exaggerated by both sides and the costs of transition large.

请根据你所读到的文章内容,完成以下自测题目:

1. What demonstrated continental influences as mentioned?

A. the Scots language

B. the ports on the east coast

C. the citizens of Edinburgh

D. the French “gare de l’eau”

2. How many districts of Scotland voted Remain in the referendum about Brexit?

A. all

B. a half

C. 62%

D. zero

3. What is the reason of league between the Leave campaign and the SNP?

A. SNP is in government

B. weak administrative competence

C. common hostility

D. common friends

4. When was the Scots independence referendum?

A. 2012

B. 2013

C. 2014

D. 2015

[1] 答案 A. the Scots language

解释:东海岸的港口显示了苏格兰与荷兰和汉萨同盟(Hanseatic League)贸易的影响。苏格兰语显示出了欧洲大陆的影响。

[2] 答案 A. all

解释:在英国脱欧公投中,苏格兰所有地区的投票结果都是留欧。

[3] 答案 C. common hostility

解释:“脱欧”阵营和苏格兰民族党都是被共同的敌意团结在一起的复杂联盟。

[4] 答案 D. 2015

解释:文章提到如果苏格兰在2014年投票支持独立,那么通向欧盟成员国身份的道路将会缓慢。2013年3月21日,苏政府宣布2014年9月18日举办公投。


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